Trading Ideas

>> 24 January, 2012

Over this long, Lunar New Year weekend, I had the great good fortune to have lunch with Steven Denney. Steve's an ambitious young graduate student over at Yonsei University, the sort of fellow who makes the rest of us look bad with all of his get-up-and-go. As one would expect, he blogs at not one but two sites (here and here) and I seem to recall him mentioning that he had another site - focusing on North Korea - in the offing.

While Steve and I share many interests, our worldviews are a study in contrasts. As an illustration, Steve sent me two recent articles by former U.S. Secretary of Commerce Clyde Prestowitz, both of which - to my mind, at least - are filled with needless hand-wringing about the supposed decline of U.S. manufacturing and the eventual implosion of all that makes America worth a damn. As tough as it is for me to get through a Prestowitz article (for a Secretary of Commerce, he sure seems to have slept through a surprising number of economics courses), I figured I'd offer a few comments here rather than simply starting an email thread with Steve.

In the first article, from December 2011, Prestowitz argues that trade deficits are important and, further, that the United States must take steps to reduce its current account deficit:

The opportunity lies in the size of the $500 billion U.S. trade deficit. Just halving it would create 2.5 million jobs without the need for tax reductions, further deficit spending, or further quantitative easing. Indeed, taxes could even be raised without fear of job loss. President Obama should see this as a Godsend. He can have his cake and eat it as well by increasing jobs and reducing the federal budget deficit.

Prestowitz never explains how he arrives at the "2.5 million jobs" number, nor can I imagine how anyone would prove such a figure, so complex an organism is the global economy. More likely, government efforts to reduce the trade deficit would create some jobs, even as such actions destroyed others, all while punishing consumers and making the U.S. economy less competitive in the long run.

More importantly, though, a current account deficit equals a capital account surplus - that is, more investment is flowing into the United States than is flowing out. To bemoan the trade deficit, therefore, is to also lament the willingness of foreigners to invest in America. Of course, a sizable chunk of this "investment" is in the form of U.S. government debt (as well as corporate debt, real estate, facilities, etc.), which troubles budget deficit hawks like myself, but if you're a person who believes that the U.S. government should be engaged in greater deficit-financed stimulatory spending right now then you should also celebrate the U.S. trade deficit.

For more on trade deficits and (supposed) Chinese currency manipulation, I highly recommend this Econtalk podcast.

The second, and more recent, article finds Prestowitz lobbying for a defined U.S. national economic strategy as a way to counter the mercantilist tendencies of countries like China. Not surprisingly, I ain't climbing aboard Prestowitz's Industrial Policy Express, even if he could prove that China's export-promotion orientation helps the Chinese more than it hurts them. Rather than rehash my views on this matter, however, I'll merely direct readers to this 2010 piece in which I laid out my skepticism of politically-designed industrial policy. Briefly:

...to paraphrase PJ O'Rourke, a successful industrial policy requires that bureaucrats and politicians know more about everything than we do, and requires them to make smarter decisions than we can. And it demands that a state official make those wise and knowledgeable decisions without regard for his political or financial self-interest.

As it happens, the current issue of The Atlantic has a superb article by Adam Davidson which touches on these very issues. It is, in short, the best piece I've read on U.S. manufacturing and employment in recent memory. Indeed, it's one of the magazine pieces I've read on any subject in a long while. It's specific, nuanced, and I can't recommend it highly enough. Rather than offering my comments on it here, however, I'll simply get out of your way and let you get to reading it.



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American History Revisited

>> 01 January, 2012

Via two different sources come two curious new insights on American history:

The first is that Abraham Lincoln apparently walked around for several years never knowing that a watchmaker had inscribed his pocket watch with a secret message on its innards. From How to be a Retronaut comes the story and the image:



The second is this American artist Mort Kunstler's update of Emanuel Leutze's famous "Washington Crossing the Delware" painting . The Washington Examiner has the story here (via Marginal Revolution):

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Kim Jong-il is Dead. Dead? Dead. Uh-oh.

>> 19 December, 2011



According to North Korea's ever-reliable Central News Agency, Kim Jong-il - he of the pompadour hairdo, numerous holes-in-one on the links, and despot extraordinaire - has died. Reports of Kim's demise have proven premature in the past, but given that the North's main news organ is confirming the death, I suppose we can take it as given.

Death has seldom come to a more deserving person. In addition to putting North Korea's economy firmly into the crapper, Kim and his father (Kim Il-Sung, founder of the nation) oversaw a network of concentration camps, kidnapped Japanese and South Korean citizens, and regularly engaged in state-sponsored terrorism (bombing civilian airliners, shelling South Korean towns, etc.). Outside of North Korea, few people responded with anything short of "hallelujah" to Kim's death.

But.

The trouble in North Korea may have only just begun. Kim Jong-il's son, Jong-eun, is the heir apparent, but he's young and untested. Moreover, as I wrote last year, a dynastic power transfer in North Korea increases the risk that the ruling coalition breaks down, inciting internal - and perhaps international - strife.

And, in the event that Kim's death has made you optimistic about Korean reunification happening sooner rather than later, I will refer you to this piece from last year. Be careful what you wish for.


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Over Yonder...

>> 06 December, 2011

Over at CFE Korea, I've got a handful of new posts to occupy your time:

  • In this post, I add a few thoughts to the Korea Herald's debate topic of the week ("Should There Be a New Tax for the Rich?"). And as it happens, I had just last Saturday written this post about the so-called "Buffett Tax."

  • Local protests against the KORUS FTA are dwindling, but they haven't completely run out of steam. My latest comments on the protests are here.
  • Finally, I found this Bloggingheads.TV conversation on the Italian debt crisis (between Robert Wright and Franco Pavoncello) to be informative and entertaining.

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The Castle & the Abuse of Eminent Domain

>> 04 December, 2011


Go find your dictionary and look up the phrase "pleasant surprise." If your dictionary is worth its space on the shelf, the definition will read: "A fifteen year-old, low-budget Australian film which turns out to be the most insightful, hilarious commentary on eminent domain abuse in recent cinematic history." Next to the entry will be a screenshot from The Castle.

Released in 1997, The Castle is the story of the Kerrigans, a family of rustic boobs (to use the most charitable description) who live right next door to the Melbourne Airport in a house which, as son Dale proudly boasts, is worth almost as much as the day they bought it. The family, while short on class and sophistication, nevertheless exudes a close-knit warmth and a pride in their humble home. Indeed, they exemplify the old adage that a man's home is his castle, hence the film's title.

Everything in the Kerrigan household is going along swimmingly until a real estate assessor shows up one day to do a valuation on their property. Soon thereafter, father Darryl receives a notice that his land has been "compulsorily acquired" to make way for extensions to the neighboring airport. What follows is one man's battle to keep his home in the face of a legal system which frustrates common sense at every turn. His initial confrontation with a government employee is but a taste of things to come:

Bureaucrat: "There is an ironclad agreement between federal, state, and local governments and the airport commission [which states that you must vacate the property]."

Darryl: "Yeah, well where's the agreement with Darryl Kerrigan, 3 High View Crescent, Coolaroo?"

And then there's this scene, wherein Darryl is astonished to discover that it's up to him to prove why he should be allowed to keep his home:



Libertarians (and other free market types) who start talking about the rule of law and the importance of private property rights are often derided as being tools of the wealthy, interested only in maintaining ill-gotten privileges - which only shows how little these critics have considered such matters. These institutions are not mere conveniences of the plutocratic class. Rather, the protection of private property - as part of a consistent rule of law - is a chiefly a protection of "the common man" against attempts by the state, often captured by privileged special interests, to seize by force what it cannot get via persuasion. Thus, in The Castle, it is Airlink, a sorta-private, kinda-public Big Corporation (read: private money combined with state force), that is out to take the Kerrigan's land.

The Castle has taken on new relevance in the last decade as American cities have used - and abused - eminent domain to force people out of their homes not in order to build roads or schools, but rather in the interest of increasing local tax revenues. Indeed, in 2005, the United States Supreme Court put its own stamp of approval on such thuggery when it ruled in Kelo v. City of New London that a Connecticut town government had every right to forcibly take someone's home and hand it over to the pharmaceutical company Pfizer. In addition, the NBA's New Jersey Nets will soon relocate to Brooklyn, where their new arena was built using much the same methods. Yet, as this video from Reason.TV shows, none of this is new:




Throughout The Castle, Darryl Kerrigan repeatedly argues that "you can't just steal my home," to which judges and lawyers reply in confusion that he's being compensated. So why the all the fuss? Of course, if I walk into the Apple Store and offer them $50 for a new iPad, the store employees will understandably refuse to sell. If I force them to take the money and then walk out with the iPad, I'll be arrested for theft. No judge would accept, as my defense, the argument that Apple had been compensated for the iPad. For an exchange to be voluntary, both sides must agree to the terms, otherwise we're dealing with a form of theft (i.e. the difference between $50 and the actual retail price of the iPad). The same is true of eminent domain when land-owners object to moving at the prices offered by the government. That this may inconvenience certain parties (the government, private construction companies, etc.) does not change the fact that, at root, this is theft pure and simple.

As further credit to the writers of The Castle, the film manages to be a biting commentary on the importance of private property rights without ever forgetting that its first order of business is to be a comedy rather than a preachy docudrama. Whether you've never seen it before, or whether you were enraged by decisions like Kelo (or maybe you just want a solid comedy for next Saturday night), track this film down and give it a look. You won't be disappointed.

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New Posting Climes

>> 03 December, 2011


As I mentioned a few weeks back, I recently began working with the Center for Free Enterprise here in Seoul. Part of that collaboration has involved working with Hana Lee - CFE's Queen of All Things Technological - to get a CFE blog up and running.

And here it is: CFE Korea, the English-language blog of the Center for Free Enterprise, while still young and prone to stumbles, is open for reading. I encourage you to add it to your bookmarks, subscribe to the RSS feed or to our email updates, and to leave your comments. In addition to me and Hana, CFE's Director of International Relations, Casey Lartigue, will also be contributing to this newest outpost of classical liberalism. And as it happens, I just this evening did up a post over there, so you'd best amble on over and give it a read.

I'll still be posting 'round these parts, so don't delete me from your bookmarks just yet. My plan is to use CFE Korea as a platform for my thoughts on Korean politics and economics, while maintaining Idiots' Collective as my personal site, with a smattering of non-Korea related policy matters tossed in. Or maybe I'll just use this site to post pics of Korean bikini models.



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Groups are Not Individuals

>> 29 November, 2011

I seldom disagree with Thomas Sowell, and even when I do my first inclination is to think that it's me who must be mistaken, so much do I admire the man. That said, I'm troubled by his latest piece on the issue of immigration.

Take, for instance, these lines from his column:


"There is no inherent right to come live in the United States, in disregard of whether the American people want you here."

and

"The American people have a right to decide for themselves whether they want unlimited imports of cultures from other countries."


Regardless of whether he's right or wrong on the merits of a policy of open immigration, Sowell here commits the error of confusing groups with individuals, that is, of assuming that the former has the decision-making capacities of the latter. "The American people" can no more decide to "want" a particular immigrant or import in the United States than "the American people" can decide what jeans to wear, what music to listen to, or where to take a summer vacation. Only individuals can do these things, and I assume that Sowell, as an economics professor, would point out as much to any student who erred on this point.

As Don Boudreaux has written: "while many governments today are democratic and, hence, in some degree representative of, and responsive to, the wishes of voters, it remains important to keep in mind that all trade and all political actions ultimately are the result of choices made by individuals"

Individuals trade with, associate with, and enter into contracts with other individuals. Immigrants - illegal or otherwise - are individuals who would not come to the United States if they didn't think that some other individual would be willing to give them a job. They don't expect "The American people" to employ them any more than I expect "The Korean people" to employ me, a legal immigrant. Thus, if "the American people have a right to decide for themselves whether they want unlimited imports of cultures from other countries," I should have the right to decide for myself whether to peacefully enter into a contract with SeƱor Mexicano without anyone else meddling in the matter.

As above, this is not to debate a specific immigration policy, but rather to point out that The American People and The Immigrant People may not be terribly useful terms.


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Meanwhile, Over at the Korea Herald...

In today's edition of the Korea Herald, I make up half of the paper's "Voice" section and defend the general direction of the Korea-USA FTA. My opening paragraphs:

Out of a curious sense that Korean companies deserve special government privileges at the expense of Korean consumers ― specifically, immunity from competition ― hardline members of the opposition Democratic Party did their best to torpedo the free trade agreement between Korea and the United States.

These DP legislators, additionally believing that no man is ever too old to indulge his childish instincts, finally resorted to physical violence after failing to nitpick the deal to death. Fortunately, the benefits to both countries from this agreement will ultimately overshadow such shameless antics.

Nam Hee-sob, of the Korean Alliance Against the KORUS FTA, anchors the other side of the debate.

While I generally supported the passage of the KORUS FTA, I was not as giddy about it as some of my friends for the simple reason that the agreement amounts to managed, not free, trade. Korea Herald reader Brian Arundel, commenting here, sums up my sentiments:

The only thing that bothers me is that the FTA is 1,000 pages long. It should be one sentence long ― “we, the two countries, agree to do nothing to limit trade between our two countries.” This would be a real free trade agreement, but that’s not possible with the vested interests in both countries.

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